A Conversation with Takeo Akiba

Few figures have shaped Japan’s strategic vision as profoundly as Takeo Akiba. Over a decades-long career in public service, including his tenure as national security advisor from 2021 to 2025, he provided near-daily briefings to four consecutive prime ministers and played a pivotal role in formulating the concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Now serving as senior advisor to the cabinet, Akiba continues to guide Japan’s foreign and security policy at the highest level.

On September 5, 2025, Fletcher welcomed Akiba back to campus, where he delivered keynote remarks at the annual academic Convocation and received the Class of 1947 Memorial Award. Ahead of the ceremony, he sat for an interview on subjects including his time at Fletcher, Japan’s role in world affairs and Donald Trump’s golf game.

The Fletcher School: When was the last time that you were here on campus?

Takeo Akiba: It was 15 years ago, for my 25th reunion. I met with many former classmates and toured the campus. In the last 40 years, this is the second time I’ve visited.

After the United States, Japan is the country with the most Fletcher alumni. How do you explain the deep connection between Japan and Fletcher?

Fletcher offers what Japan needs. We take interdisciplinary courses, studying not only international affairs, but international law, international business, environmental policy and much more. Japan needs this knowledge. We need people not only in government, but also the private sector who are trained in an interdisciplinary approach. That's what we treasure about Fletcher.

Have you encountered many other Fletcher alumni in your career?

Yes, many. Not only people from the United States and Japan, but also from South Korea, the countries of Southeast Asia and many more.

How did studying in the United States help you understand the U.S. and its role in world affairs?

When I was at Fletcher, I had discussions on many issues related to Japan and the United States. There were heated discussions over economic issues in those years, with Japanese automobiles and electronics often targeted for criticism. To defend the Japanese position, I would prepare for discussions by writing a memo beforehand. My American roommates would contribute, helping me with my English and explaining the American perspective.

I treasured relationships with my friends at Fletcher. Through my conversations, I learned how Americans perceived Japan and perceived the broader world.

What makes the Japan-U.S. partnership so important?

Some people only focus on the current strategic benefits. These are important, but Japan and the U.S. have a deep history together. Japan benefited a lot from U.S. engagement at the end of the Edo Period in the 1850s. We felt early on that we can get along well with the people of the United States, with whom we have much in common. This is the driving force connecting the two countries. Even after our sad experience fighting against each other, we were able to rebuild a strong, positive relationship because of our history.

You played a key role in developing the concept of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). What are the most important things for ensuring peace and security in the Indo-Pacific?

When I proposed the FOIP, it included a military aspect but sought to deepen connections on the economy, culture and values. Cooperation among countries is required on any issue. The world faces a critical stage, and our unity must be substantive, not merely rhetorical. FOIP is a trigger for cooperation. I think it's working very well. 

Also, my concept for FOIP does not mean excluding China. As members of the globe, we have many reasons to cooperate.

Many of today’s most acute conflicts are far from Japan's immediate region. What role can and does Japan play?

Believe it not, Japan was the largest donor to Ukraine before 2022. Traditionally, we have a very strong relationship with Ukraine. In 2022, Japan condemned the Russians' aggression, together with the European countries and the United States. 

But at the same time, we don't want to see ordinary citizens dying every day. I think there should be a truce to the conflict. If there's any way that Japan can contribute to the stoppage of fighting, we'd like to do more. 

Japan has been supporting Ukraine in its own way. We haven't provided any lethal weapons to Ukraine directly, but we've extended a huge amount of assistance, for example on energy. That's the Japanese way.

Before serving as a National Security Advisor, you worked as a diplomat at the Japanese embassy in Washington. How did diplomatic service prepare you for your national security role?

In matters of national security, diplomacy matters most. My office drafted a national security strategy for Japan in 2022. In the document, we placed first importance on diplomacy. We argued for the necessity of equipping Japan with more diplomatic capabilities. My career as a diplomat deeply informed my perspective, which is reflected in our national security strategy.

You've briefed four different Japanese prime ministers on daily national security threats. How did your experiences with different leaders compare?

Their personalities were entirely different. But one thing they all had in common was that when they made important decisions, they were very lonely. It was a rare and precious experience for me to be with them when they made momentous decisions. I sought to advise in any manner possible, to contribute to their thinking.

The United States has also experienced significant changes in leadership since the time you were at the embassy. How do you adjust to new U.S. administrations and new American priorities?

Each administration in the United States has huge power. They can instantly change policies. We prefer consistent policies, but it's inevitable that a new administration will bring change and adjustment. Still, with every change Japan has been successful in coordinating with the U.S. government, which we are proud of. From the Republican Party to the Democratic Party and from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party, we make significant efforts to coordinate policy, which is natural due to the strength of both American parties and their importance for foreign policy. We respect the American system and will always make effort to coordinate.

Were you often in the room with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Donald Trump, during Trump’s first term?

Yes, many times. I watched them play golf. When they played, I chased them in a golf cart. I didn’t get to play myself.

Trump would tell Abe to “be a warrior again,” encouraging Japan to increase the defense budget. We took this advice and acted on it.

Who was better at golf?

That’s a national secret. But I will say that President Trump played very well.

One of the biggest changes has been international trade. You served at the Japanese embassy in Washington when the two countries developed the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Today, there is a very different approach to trade. What's your perspective on that evolution?

It was sad to see the United States leave the TPP. The project was initiated by the United States, and we thought it was a great idea.

After the U.S. left, Japan took the initiative and for the first time organized an international trade pact, successfully transforming the TPP into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

I hope, though it may be far in the future, that the United States will come back to the CPTPP. I understand the current politics. But the CPTPP is something that can provide a core of cooperation for the countries involved, not only in this region but throughout the world. Recently, the United Kingdom joined, and I wouldn’t mind seeing the European Union countries join. They are more than welcome if they meet the standards.

What do you view today as the biggest challenges facing the world? What keeps you up at night?

We saw a picture of three leaders walking together on September third: Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong Un. That's a challenge. But we are confident. We are aiming to build a group of countries based on common ideas, which could be stronger than those three leaders.

I spoke to Fletcher students at the student roundtable today. I told them that becoming militarily strong is sometimes necessary, but it should never be a country’s ultimate goal. There must be a goal beyond this, for the world we seek to create. These goals are not presented well by the countries who marched together on September third.

After taking over territories and becoming the strongest military power in the world, what is the goal? It shouldn't merely be the prosperity of one single country. That's my personal view.

Did your career go in a different direction than you originally expected?

Not much. At one point, I was recruited to work for an American company. I declined it. I’m very happy with how things turned out. Fletcher was perfectly suited to helping me build the career that I’ve had.